Avantika Dev, Roy de Kleijn, Sumitava Mukherjee
9 min
This paper investigates whether economic prosocial preferences, typically studied in human-human interactions, extend to human-robot interactions. The researchers employed the dictator game—a standard behavioral economic paradigm for measuring altruism and social norms—to observe how participants allocate money to a diverse set of 18 different commercial robots. Across four studies involving participants from India and the Netherlands, the researchers measured how participants' offers changed based on whether the stakes were hypothetical or real, and whether the game structure was a one-step or two-step process.
The study confirmed that participants consistently make monetary offers to robots, with behavior mirroring patterns observed in the human-human dictator game literature. Notably, likeability emerged as the strongest predictor of generosity toward a robot, surpassing both perceived anthropomorphism and social functionality. The findings show that while participants are generally less generous when real money is involved compared to hypothetical stakes, the three identified robot characteristics remain robust predictors of giving across all contexts. Interestingly, the study found no significant cross-country differences between Indian and Dutch participants in the proportion of the stake offered.
As socially interactive robots increasingly enter public and private spaces, understanding the psychological and economic mechanisms of human-robot interaction becomes vital. This research moves beyond the common focus on single-robot models, providing a data-driven look at how diverse designs influence human social preferences. The results suggest that humans naturally apply social heuristics to robots, and that designers can influence these economic interactions by manipulating specific perceptual traits like likeability and social utility.
Abstract While extensive research has examined human-human interactions in dictator games, studies exploring human-robot dictator games remain scarce. Here, we conducted multiple studies in India and The Netherlands to explore how participants allocate money to robot recipients. Using various versions of the dictator game paradigm with both hypothetical and real stakes, we measured offers toward 18 different robots while also assessing participants’ perceptions of these robots. Overall, our findings reveal that participants allocated money to robot recipients in dictator games, with offers varying significantly for hypothetical versus real monetary outcomes, mirroring patterns observed in the existing human-human dictator game literature. Factor analyses identified three key characteristics – perceived likeability, anthropomorphism, and social functionality of the robots – as consistent predictors of offers made in the dictator games. Results were broadly consistent across participants from the two countries. We discuss similarities and differences observed across dictator game variations, key predictors of offers made to robots, and cross-country differences in robot perception, along with study limitations. Our results offer empirical insights into the dynamics of human-robot economic interactions that could inform the design of socially interactive robots.
Sam: Those questions combine appearance, inferred mental abilities, and practical acceptance. Did the answers separate into recognizable dimensions?
Alex: Factor analyses, which identify groups of ratings that vary together, produced three recurring dimensions. One was likeability: positive feelings and approachability. Another was anthropomorphism, meaning the attribution of human-like qualities, including apparent thinking and feeling.
Sam: And the practical acceptance questions formed the remaining dimension?
Alex: They called it social functionality. Here, that means willingness to allow tasks such as vacuuming, cooking, or family care. It measures perceived suitability, not whether the robot could actually perform those tasks well.
Sam: Let’s connect those impressions to behavior. What happened when the money was only hypothetical?
Alex: Average offers were about 48 percent of the stake in the cross-country replication. Students were imagining an allocation rather than sacrificing an actual payment. Higher ratings on each perceptual dimension predicted larger offers in the authors’ statistical models.
Sam: Imagined generosity is relatively cheap. Did the relationship survive when participants could lose money themselves?
Alex: In the real-money study, one allocation was randomly selected for payment. Participants received the amount they had chosen to keep from that decision. Average offers fell to about 35 percent, significantly below the hypothetical version.
Sam: So the cost mattered, but people still allocated a substantial share to robot recipients. Did perceptions continue to predict how much?
Alex: All three dimensions still predicted offer size. Likeability had the strongest correlation with offers, followed by social functionality and then anthropomorphism. In the combined analysis of the later studies, likeability also had the largest standardized association among those perceptual predictors.
Sam: That challenges a simple story that people share only because robots look human. But can we say likeability causes generosity?
Alex: No. These were measured perceptions, not independently manipulated traits. The finding is that likeability, human-like qualities, and perceived social usefulness each carried predictive information. It does not establish what would happen if a designer changed one feature.
Sam: Now to the other drop in giving. What changed when refusing became explicit?
Alex: The final study kept real stakes but split the allocation into two steps. First, participants answered whether they wanted to give the robot money at all. Only those saying yes then entered an amount.
Sam: In the original version, zero was already allowed. This makes the refusal option more prominent rather than introducing it.
Alex: That small structural change accompanied a large difference. The reported mean offer fell to about 18 percent of the stake, compared with the higher one-step real-money offers. Participants chose to give in fewer than half of the trials.
Sam: That seems like the most consequential result for interpreting the task. Does it show that the original offers were just compliance?
Alex: It supports that possibility, but does not prove that all giving was compliance. The authors discuss demand characteristics: cues about what behavior an experiment seems to expect. An explicit invitation to refuse may reduce a perceived expectation to share.
Sam: There’s also a design distinction here. Were the same students tested under both structures?
Alex: No. The comparisons between hypothetical and real stakes, and between task structures, used separate study samples. I’d treat the differences as substantial evidence that the setup matters, but not as within-person demonstrations of why someone changed their mind.
Sam: The countries give another check on robustness. Did the findings depend on where participants were recruited?
Alex: The broad patterns appeared in both countries. After accounting for robot perceptions, the models found no significant country effect on offer size in the later studies. That is narrower than saying the countries have identical attitudes toward robots.
Sam: And how convincing is the comparison with generosity toward humans? Were human recipients tested alongside the robots?
Alex: They were not. Every recipient in these studies was a robot. Similarity to human-directed giving comes from comparisons with earlier literature, not a direct human-versus-robot experiment here.
Sam: So the evidence is strongest for patterned allocations within this setup. What most limits taking it into everyday human-robot interaction?
Alex: I’d put the gap between images and interaction first. All participants were students evaluating static pictures. A robot’s movement, behavior, or physical presence could elicit different responses.
Sam: The perception questions could also tell participants which qualities to consider before allocating money.
Alex: The authors flag that concern themselves. They also stress that their perception measures were exploratory, not a fully validated new scale. The repeated structure is encouraging, but stronger measurement validation remains work to do.
Sam: Given those boundaries, who should read the full document, and where should they start?
Alex: Researchers using economic games in human-robot interaction should start with the two-step real-money study and its comparison with the one-step version. Then read the Discussion and Conclusion on experimental expectations and interpretation. Robot designers should examine how the perceptual dimensions were constructed before treating them as design targets.
Sam: And for someone who only needs the takeaway?
Alex: People’s offers to robots reflect both the robot they perceive and the choice the experiment presents.
Sam: Keep both in view when interpreting generosity.